POWER POLITICS IN THE QUR Ᾱ N: HIZBUT TAHRIR INDONESIA AND THE CONCEPT OF CALIPHATE IN AL-WA'IE BY ROKHMAT S. LABIB

: Power politics is a sovereign entity that aims to protect the interests of individuals and groups. The disharmony of Islamic politics triggered by stigma, discrimination, and persecution of the authorities against the people causes radicalism and intolerance of the concept of the state. Hizbut Tahrir, with textual interpretation dominatingly intervened by ideological reasoning, produced controversial sectarian revivalist thoughts, far from the universal message of the verse and its maq āṣ id ī meaning. This study examines the concept of power politics in the Quran through the theological analysis of the khil ā fah in al-Wa'ie. The method used in this study includes a descriptive-qualitative analysis of mau ḍū ' ī interpretation through a context and content approach. This study concludes that the power politics of scripturalist, textualist, and fundamentalist interpretations in al-Wa'ie is far from authoritative (mu'tabar) scholars' thoughts or interpreted by jumping to conclusions, such as in solving al-Baqarah [2]: 30, al-Nis ā ' [4]: 59, and al-M ā 'idah [5]: 49. The verses of the power politics clearly state that the khil ā fah is an institution of civilization within state sovereignty, not a political conception that is taken for granted that negates Islam or a modern Islamic government system that substantially contains the principles of siy ā sah and maq āṣ id al-sy ā ri'ah.


Introduction
The Quran is a divine revelation and a guide for human life, and its content is full of meanings and miracles that are relevant to every time and place or "s} a> lih likull zama> n wa maka> n." 1 The existence of the Quran as hudan and furqa> n has attracted commentators (mufassir) to study the message of revelation textually and contextually to reveal the meaning and purpose of the Quran (maqa> s} id). The interpretation of the Quran related to the verses of the politics of power (khila> fah) is commonly understood rigidly, tendentiously, partially, and dominatingly interventing the interpreter's substantive-infiltrative reasoning through objective and subjective approaches. Fundamentalist interpretation cannot be understood only based on religious texts, but external factors cause dogma's internalization, such as social, economic, and political structures. The objectivist view reacts to religious texts providing social legitimacy and political legality. At the same time, the subjectivist idea puts people on subjects who actively expose themselves to external conditions. 2 This interpretation causes eternal friction between authoritative interpretation and strict interpretation. In the end, it does not only produce a controversial performance that is far from its maqa> s} idi> meaning message but causes the Quran to be used as an object to seek the truth and justification to legalize the political passions from the text. Resistance and pragmatism of interpretation are not existential if the instruments are correctly understood according to the purpose of the verses. 3 The performance of power politics has historically been a trend of progressive Islamic thought which experienced a shift in meaning and role in its development. 4 The interpretation of products produced by the commentators cannot be separated from the background of the living conditions. Even the interpretation results are separated from the nature of the Quranic verse. Tafsir Al-Wa'ie by Rokhmat S Labib tends to have a political interpretation of the nuances of da'wah and hara> kah by interpreting the caliphate as an absolute and sacred way because it is seen as a part of religious issues that must be enforced and should not be ignored (al-ma'lu> m min al-di< n bi al-d} aru> rah). 5 Reconstruction of Islamic politics is not absolute and regulating precisely the same as the practice of al-khulafa> ' al-rasyidu> n's Islamic government and its absolute divides the political area exclusively as da> r al-Isla> m and da> r al-kufr. 6 Likewise, the khila> fah should not be understood as a theological necessity that is rigid and seems forced. The khila> fah is a historical product and an open sociological experiment to realize the benefits and morality of state life. The absence of authoritative religious texts on the state format emphasizes that the state format is not bound. Even the state practice exemplified by the Prophet and the companions is a historical necessity in responding to the demands of the dynamics of the times. 7 The tajdi< d effort to actualize the power of politics has been initiated by traditionalist and modernist Islam figures. The Traditionalists, such as Ibn Jari> r al-T} abari> (d. 310 H), presented the concept of a welfare state as a relevant political idea through the tah} li> li> method based on historical and language elements. Al-T{ abari argued that the king was the organizer of the welfare of the people and residents of his country, tasked with managing their affairs, closing roads that led to despotic actions, preventing people from doing wrong, and defending the people from transgressing actions. 8 In addition to a-T{ abari> , Muh} ammad al-Zamakhsyari> (d. 538 H), by emphasizing aspects of Arabic literature and supporting Mu'tazilah theology, presented the concept of a moral state. He noted that the existence of the Ima> mah was to reject 3 Willy Aditya., ‚Restorasi Politik Gagasan,‛ https://mediaindonesia.com/ read/detail/271929, 2019, https://mediaindonesia.com/opini/271929/restorasi-politik-gagasan.html. 4 Abdul Aziz, Kontroversi Khilâfah (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2019 In contrast to the two commentators above, Muh} ammad al-Qurt} ubi> (d. 671 H.) and Ismai> l ibn Kas\ i> r (d. 774 H.) as purist Islam figures presented the legalistic ideas with different methods. Al-Qurt} ubi> presented aspects of Islamic law (fiqh) using the rules and understanding of language as well as a comparative analysis of Ima> mah following the systematic discussion of fiqh. 10 While Ibn Kas\ i> r wrote his commentary following the al-T{ abari> method of interpretation by presenting the problem of Ima> mah such as the analysis of al-Qurt} ubi> by adding important arguments based on rational arguments, 11 Ibn Kas\ i> r has combined two strengths of argumentation in his interpretation which have not done before, the fiqh approach and rational arguments. A modernist Islamic figure also presented different thoughts, Muh} ammad Abduh , as shown by Muh} ammad Rasyi> d Rid} a>  in Tafsir al-Mana> r by using a socio-cultural approach which resulting political conception with sociological style. According to him, humans and politics are two inseparable entities in realizing the noble ideals of universal social benefits. 12 The term political power (khila> fah) in Indonesia is still limited to the meaning of sultan or king in the period of Islamization of the kings of the archipelago. However, this term emerged into a political discussion in the public sphere when the Sarekat Islam (SI), led by H. O.S Tjokroaminoto (d. 1934 AD) and Haji Agus Salim (d. 1954 AD), initiated the Indies al-Isla> m congress nine times (1922( -1932. 13 The Islamic political debate began to feel fierce when H.O.S Tjokroaminoto was a figure of Islamic puritanism versus Soekarno. With his Nasakom ideology, Soekarno strongly rejected the khila> fah system. He considered it a form of regression and an illusion that was difficult to apply. He argued that religion and the state were two different entities, and there was no consensus that both should unite. 14 The view of the Nationalist figures above, of course, is contrary to the fundamentalist group of HTI, which argues that the establishment of the khila> fah is an obligation as a form of loyalty to faith, worship, and mu'a> malah and in line with the syara' rule "ma> la> yatimmu al-wa> jib illa> bihi fahuwa wa> jib" (Should a duty not be fulfilled except by a matter, that matter becomes a duty). 15 Religion and power have a strong relationship, as evidenced by the character of the Prophet, who united the the Islamic religion, which is comprehensive in regulating all aspects of life (al-Ma> idah/5: 3 and al-Nah} l/ 16:89). 16 The construction of the Khila> fah as a political system does not mean that it is the ideal representation area of the state in the power system. Changing the perennial khila> fah into a cultural khila> fah should not impede the tamaddun or civilizational system in the moderation of political Islam. Political accumulation substantially becomes a middle way in realizing human duties as khali> fah Allah fi> al-Ard} (God's representative on earth) for the realization of khila> fah Allah fi> al-Ard} (God's power on earth). Based on the description above, the author tries to analyze the power politics (khila> fah) in the theological perspective of the HTI interpretation with the interpretation of the authoritative scholars.

HTI's Authoritarian Interpretation of the Khila> fah in the Quran
The problem with the power model is purely from the interpretation of the reality of religious movements. From a political and theological perspective, the essence of the caliphate is not a form of power. Still, it lies in the substantive, embodied in general Islamic principles, such as the principle of deliberation, justice, equality, and loyalty. This religiously representative system becomes a system of tamaddun and civilization that can be affirmed in theoretical and practical contexts within the territory of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The khila> fah's power system that had been recorded in the history of Islam should not be understood as a complete form. It could change with various global forms and formats, as implied in the Medina Charter. The khila> fah as a system of government can substantially shift to a theo-democratic system, namely a system of government limited by administrative and power areas. Even though upholding religious principles or the spirit of maqa> s} id al-syari> 'ah in power is more important and beneficial than promoting the formation of Islamic law. 17 Several things underlie the strict interpretation of HTI, which requires an Islamic state system. Khila> fah is a religious obligation that must be enforced ka> ffah, and it is a big sin for those who refuse to implement it. 18 The khila> fah in Islam is proof of loyalty and obedience to Allah, the Messenger, and Uli> al-Amr. The khila> fah system in which the sovereignty of the sharia belongs to God, and only the Caliph has the right to adopt sharia law and establish a constitution. Meanwhile, the democratic system is an ideological system that is not always identical to the truth values of sharia, ethics, justice, and honesty. 19 Loyalty only to Allah, the Messenger, and Uli al-Amr According to Rokhmat S. Labib,20 obedience to Allah, the Messenger, and Uli al-Amr is obligatory (Qs. an-Nisa [4]: 59). This verse explains the pillars of Islamic governance and the obligation to implement Islamic law in the khila> fah state. Obedience to Uli al-amr is limited to a leader named khali> fah, not to a leader who adheres to a democratic system. Khila> fah is an inseparable part of Islamic teachings that must be fought for through an Islamic system, not a democratic system. The commandment of obedience necessitates the source of Islamic law as the final solution to the disputes of the ummah. While a democratic system with sovereignty in the hands of the people, the voice of the people is the voice of God, is born from a kufr secular ideology. 21 Loyalty only to the Caliph with the khila> fah system is based on the following text: Translation: A Muslim has to listen to and obey (the order of his ruler) whether he likes it or not, as long as his charges involve not one in disobedience (to Allah), but if an act of disobedience (to Allah) is imposed one should not listen to it or obey it (al-Bukhari from Ibnu Umar RA) The interpretation of the law and the khila> fah above is not appropriate to be understood as the text rationally tends to be solipsistic and subjective. The confusion of interpretation can be seen in the following arguments: supports the transformation of dala> lah from the particular to the universal. 23 Fulfilling the mandate and upholding justice are the obligations of the authority to the people with the implications are not limited to obedience to the khali> fah, but also to al-sult} a> n, al-Ma> lik, and al-Wali> in general. On the other hand, political sanctions are also applied to Uli al-amr if they break the sharia rules (lower kufr) (hadith narrated by Muslims).
Obedience to uli> al-amr is ijba> riyah, such as the command of piety and worship, while obedience to infidel authority is ikhtiya> riyah. 24 The obedience to the Messenger is unconditional and has the authority to be obeyed. This obedient commandment is by the commandment in Ali 'Imra> n [3]:35, although with a different redaction -without rephrasing the word "at} i> 'u> '' in the word "al-Rasu> l," implies that direct obedience is binding and sourced from God, while repeated obedience orders are addressed to the other than the Messenger. In contrast, obedience to uli al-amr is not absolute or conditional as long as it does not disobey Allah and His Messenger "la> t} a> 'ata li makhlu> q fi> ma's} iyah al-Kha> liq." This verse also limits obedience to uli al-amr in society, nation, and state life. 25 The command to obey Allah and His Messenger is contained in ten verses of the Quran, which were revealed after the migration to Medina (mada> niyah verses).
Chronologically, the first five verses are shown in a clause, while the other five verses are ordered to be revealed separately with different clauses. The first and second commands are contained in Ali 'Imra> n/3:32 and 132, related to the nature of disbelief and God's grace, respectively. It means that turning away from Allah's commandments implies doubt, and obedience becomes mercy for the believers. The command of obedience related to the characteristics of faith and the prohibition of turning away is also found in al-Anfa> l/8:1, 20, and 46. 26 Thus, adherence to Allah and the Messenger becomes a parameter of faith, intuitive factor, unity, and social order in society. 27 Relating to the verse of the khali> fah mentioned in Adam (al-Baqarah/2: 30) and the verse of David (S} a> d/38: 26), both their historical contexts are without asba> b al-nuzu> l verse. This shows that both were not revealed because of a special cause but as a warning sign and the glory of the human caliphate. The verse of Adam shows that Allah informs the angels about noble creatures as caliphs on earth to substitute the creatures that have been created before. While the verse of David's appointment as khali> fah is a guide in prospering the world and strengthening faith. The position of the two verses is also different. The verse of Adam is classified as Madaniyah verses, while the verse of David is classified as Makiyah verse. Therefore, according to Ibn Jari> r, the interpretation of this verse ( )ۗ ً ‫َة‬ ‫ْف‬ ‫ِي‬ ‫َل‬ ‫خ‬ ِ ‫ض‬ ‫رْ‬ َ ْ ‫اْل‬ ‫ِى‬ ‫ف‬ ٌ ‫ِل‬ ‫اع‬ َ ‫ج‬ ْ ‫ِي‬ ‫ِن‬ ‫ا‬ , I am going to place a successive human authority on earth to represent Me enforce the law fairly among My creatures, punishing with My guidance, namely Adam and whoever follows him in enforcing the guidance of God's revelation truly. 28 Meanwhile, al-Qurt} ubi> argued that this verse is proof of the obligation to appoint khali> fah, such as the appointment of Abu Bakr and Umar after the Prophet passed away through allegiance. In contrast, Muh} ammad Ar-Rifa'i argued that humans are not khali> fah on earth because either explicitly, implicitly, or the results of inference, there is no evidence from the Quran or Hadis\ , because Allah says, "I am going to place a successive human authority on earth", according to the majority of mufassiri> n, khali> fah Allah is a people who substitute other people period after period and generation after generation. 29 The Interpretation Context of "Uli al-Amr". The commentators have different opinions about uli al-amr. Some interpret with umara> ', ahl al-'ilm wa al-fiqh, the companions of the Messenger of Allah, and others are limited to Abu Bakr and Umar. 30 Ima> m al-Ma> wardi in his interpretation of Nukat al-'Uyu> n mentions four opinions of uli al-amr. First, uli al-amr means umara> , the leader of worldly problems. It is the opinion of Ibn Abbas, as-Suddi> , Abu> Hurairah, and Ibn Zaid, with differences in the historicity of verse revelation. Imam as-Suddi related to Amr bin Yasir and Khalid bin Walid, while Ibn Abbas related to Abdullah bin Huzaifah as-Samhi when both were delegated to lead the sirriyah war. Second, uli alamr is interpreted by 'ula> ma' and fuqaha> ' according to Jabir bin Abdullah, al-Hasan, and Abi al-Aliyah. Third, the opinion of the Mujahid, Uli al-amr, is the companion of the Messenger of Allah. Fourth, Uli al-amr is Abu Bakr and Umar RA based on Ikrimah's opinion. 31 The interpretation above is in line with the opinion of al-Jas} a> s} (d. 981 AD), specifically written in the chapter Fi> T{ > a> ' ah Uli al-Amr by quoting the opinion of Jabir bin Abdullah and Ibn Abbas in the transmission of Hasan, At} a', and Mujahid who said that uli al-amr is ulu> al-fiqh wa al-'ilm or umara> '. 32 Likewise, Al-Qurtubi 33 interpreted umara> ' and khulafa> ' as general opinions, such as the interpretation of Imams at-T{ abari, of a religious obligation, religion will not be established without a state. If both are united, then the benefit of human beings will be created perfectly.
Abdul Karim al-Khatib (d. 2008 AD) emphasized that this uli al-amr verse has continuity with the previous verse on law and justice. Obedience to uli al-amr is not absolute because they are the ones who enforce the benefit of society. If there is a dispute, it must return to the primary sources of the Quran and sunnah. Through his interpretation, the competence and capability of the authorities become the primary consideration even though the religious factor is not abandoned. Rationally, Muh} ammad Abduh (d. 1905 AD) also did not limit uli al-amr to be a Muslim because Uli al-amr conceptually consisted of judges, scholars, and military commanders who provide benefits to the people. Obedience to ahl al-H{ all wa al-'Aqd in virtue and use is necessary. 35 Analyzing the various meanings of uli> al-amr above is indeed part of a varied and tolerable interpretation (ikhtila> f tanawwu') not contradicting each other (ikhtila> f tad} a> d). Although some commentators try to narrow the specific meaning to Abu> Bakr and 'Umar, there are also those who try to broaden the meaning to 'ulama> ' and umara> ', even to leaders in general crossing positions or professions. However, what becomes problematic is when uli> al-amr is understood textually and transformed with the meaning of khali> fah requires Muslims to enforce Islamic law in totality in the form of a khila> fah, not a democratic system. Whereas the requirements for quality, capability, and credibility of the leader mostly must be considered as the hadis\ said: "When the power or authority comes in the hands of unfit persons, then wait for the destruction".
Contradictions to the Practice of the Khila> fah The concept of the khila> fah which is only based on the Quran in al-Nisa> ' [4]:59, is quite controversial with the verse of government 36 because this verse indirectly causes three legal provisions in fiqh siya> sah and fiqh science. First, there is a formulation of Islamic government because the uli al-amr is interpreted as the head of government, and it is obliged to obey the leader who follows the law. Second, a leader has the authority to issue fatwas and policies on religion and politics, and it is forbidden to disagree with them even though the product of ijtihad is z} anni> . Third, a leader has absolute authority, and those who reject the legitimate government are considered separatists and buga> h. 37 The validity of Uli al-amr as a legal basis is claimed to come from verses related to decisions and policies in the Quran and hadith. However, the application of the verse impacts the necessity of obeying the leader. It contradicts the obligation to enforce justice and amr ma'ru> f nahi> Munkar, in which there is no obedience to leaders who are disobedient to Allah (Ahmad). Of course, substantially, it triggers conflict in a tyrannical government, not only the 'ulama> '-umara> ' conflict, but even against the government means conducting separatist actions (bugha> h). On the other hand, people can balance power to achieve good governance. The uli al-amr verse is not limited to the context of state leaders. Still, it includes a broad understanding of ima> m mujtahid and religious leaders who can establish religious laws.

The Necessity of Establishing Khila> fah Government
Establishing a government (Khilâfah) according to HTI is obligatory. HTI's opinion is based on the command in verse of Adam below: AD). HTI interprets it as an obligation to enforce the khila> fah system with the legal status of fard} kifa> yah. The interpretation is problematic because the khali> fah is one of the main prerequisites in the khila> fah system. However, it is recognized in the book Ajhizah Daulah al-Khila> fah that Adam's verse is not mentioned as the primary argument for the khila> fah as the representative of God or the previous vice-khali> fah. 42 Imam Al-Qurtbi, as quoted by Imam Ibn Kathir, Al-Baqarah (2): 30, is the basis for the obligation to form a government. This argumentation is issued to stop disputes, decide disputes in the community, prosecute wrongdoers for the rights of those who have been wronged, enforce the law, provide sanctions for those who have been wronged, and solve other significant problems that are impossibly conducted without government. 43 This opinion can be seen from the triangular dialogue among Allah, the angels, and the devil, who questions Allah's prerogative to make Adam a khali> fah. This verse is a continuation of the previous verses, which explain the journey of human life globally. This verse of Adam talks about the creation of man and his existence in the world and then assumed by the Angels that humans will always spill blood and cause damage. The word khali> fah in verse indicates dispute resolution and law enforcement. 44 Based on the description above, this verse is purely about the creation of humans as khali> fah, not about the government or the Khila> fah system. Justifying that the Khila> fah system of government is contained in the Quran is false because the government system is ijtiha> diyah siya> sah area, which is dynamic, not static. It is too Translation: "And so judge between them by what Allah has revealed and follow not their vain desires, but beware of them lest they turn you far away from some of that which Allah has sent down to you…" (al-Ma> idah [5]: 49) According to Rokhmat 46 , these two verses imply the regulation of totality even though the Prophet had passed away. The command generally applies to choosing a judge with the Quran's guidance. The power of this verse is firm because the object is obligatory. The word fah} kum in verse indicates that the order is firm (jazm) and mandatory. The h} udu> d law and other obligations will not be realized except by the judge, namely khali> fah with a government system called khila> fah system, based on the fiqh rules "ma> la> yatimmu al-wajib illa> bihi fahuwa wa> jib" which must be enforced by a judge (khali> fah). 47 Abd reinforces this view. Qadim Zallum in Niz} am al-H{ ukm fi al-Isla> m by writing a similar verse about the obligation to enforce the law by a judge or sult} a> n, such as war orders (al-Tasyri> ' al-H{ arbi> ), politics (al-Tasyri> ' al-Siya> si), criminal (al-Tasyri> ' al-Jina> 'i), social (al-Tasyri> ' al-Ijtima> 'i), muamalah (al-Tasyri> ' al-Mu'a> malah) and other similar sharia to those practiced by the Prophet, al-khulafa> ' al-rasyidu> n, and the later Islamic leaders. Furthermore, Zallum stated that Islam could be established only with an Islamic government system because Islam is the only institution of power capable of implementing Islamic laws. Institutions of governance are basyariah, not divine institutions with unique characteristics that are different from any other power system in the world. The institution was named Daulah Islamiyah, headed by a khali> fah. 48 The interpretation above is quite problematic, and there is a transformation of meaning that seems forced, both in terms of meaning and munasabah between verses.
First, from the meaning of the verse, the word "h} akama", which has the basic meaning of blocking or controlling, such as hakamtu al-da> bbah mana'tuha> or h} akamah al- da> bbah, is interpreted as "khali> fah and his system of khila> fah". The word " h} akama " has a similar meaning to the word "wisdom," which means to prevent stupidity or the judge as an arbiter from the disputes caused by indiscretion (Sa> d/38: 20) 49 The word h} a> kim is an attribute of God that is repeated 97 times has the meaning of an expert who decides cases, and there is no doubt in his actions. Then the diversion meaning from the definitive meaning of h} a> kim to the meaning of khali> fah is an ambiguous and problematic interpretation that seems forced, even though it is related to the verse bima> anzal Alla> h and d} ami> r hum which was previously addressed to ahl al-kita> b. 50 Interpreting the judge as khali> fah is a constructive sign of the application of Islamic values, not a justification for the obligation of the khila> fah. Interpretation transformation is separated from the essence of truth by interpreting Allah's law as a form of government (khila> fah). Allah's law can mean the Quran, sunnah, ijma> ' and qiya> s. Likewise, the form of Islamic political government does not have to be a khila> fah. 51 The idea of the caliphate comes from the texts Ibn Taymiyyah doubted and considered as nothing more than an accident, not a representation of life. The Prophet was sent to enforce God's message that social rules must be obeyed. Therefore, the success of the Prophet in politics became an indication of the importance of Islamic leadership. 52 According to Husain Haikal, there is no standard system of government (niz} a> m s\ a> bit) in Islam. Islam only provides a set of values and ethics (al-mab> di' al-asa> siyah) as the basic guideline for the principle of monotheism, the focus of sunnatullah, and the direction of equality between humans to regulate human behavior (suluk) in life and association with others (mu'a> malah). This opinion is also the same as Qamaruddin Khan's concept of the state. Although the word khila> fah is found in the Quran, it does not have a political connotation. The absence of the Quran from the concept of khila> fah is acknowledged by khila> fah activists HTI 53 , who stated that there is no Quranic text that explicitly instructs it. Still, it shows that sharia will only be applied with the establishment of the daulah.
Second, from muna> sabah between verses, the above verse strongly correlates with the verses that talk about the previous Torah and the Bible. This verse is generally valid even though the command is addressed explicitly to the Prophet. prohibition of deciding cases based on lust. 54 This verse was addressed to the Prophet when he faced two groups of Jews in dispute of zina> case, denying the punishment based on the Torah. After the revelation of the verse "fah} kum bainahum bima> anzal Alla> h", the Prophet decided it according to the law in the Torah and hoped that hatred or strife would not encourage injustice. 55 Verse 48 of al-Ma> idah does not nullify the law of verse 42 but as an explanation before a new legal stipulation is revealed. At-Tabari reinforces the basis of this verse that the Prophet is a judge who decides cases according to the law revealed by Allah, not based on lust as assumed by the Jews. 56 Whereas verse 49 is an affirmation (ta'ki> d) of the previous verse, the command to enforce Allah's law and the prohibition of disputing it. The repetition form of the verse, according to al-Biqa> 'i, is to make the command as most robust affirmation (ga> yah al-ta'ki> d) 57 . Still, some other commentators disagree with the purpose of the repetition because it was revealed to different objects. Verse 48 was related to the law of rajam for zina> muh} s} a> n, while verse 49 was related to blood and diya> t. 58 Verse 49 of al-Ma> idah establishes the obligation to decide cases based on Allah's law, and the law's object has a general meaning. The verse 49 fah} kum bainahum bima> anzal Allah assumed to abrogate the verse 42 with the sentence fah} kum bainahum aw a'rid} 'anhum is a weak assumption because there is no strong indication (qari> nah) to prove it, even though it seems contradictory, but it does not automatically show the na> sikh-mansu> kh. According to Ibn' Arabi> (d. 1149 AD), if verse 49 is abrogating the previous verse, then the period of asba> b al-nuzu> l of the last verse can be known certainly and must be determined as it is. 59 The commentators and jurists, such as Imam al-Sya> fi'i> compromise (al-jam'u baina dali> lain), these two verses. The first verse relates to ka> fir mu'a> hid, while the second verse describes the ka> fir z} immi> . 60 The interpretation of the word ha> kim into the khila> fah system is an interpretation without strong legitimacy in the text. The government system always develops dynamically and changes according to the conditions and demands of the times, while the principles and values are contained in the Quran. The two verses above exemplify prioritizing 54 Muhammad Abi Hâtim bin Idris bin Mundzir bin Dawûd bin Mihran bin al-Handhali Ar-Râzi, justice in establishing the law. If these verses are interpreted widely, they are not substantially limited to the khila> fah system.

The Implementation of Islamic Law as Evidence of Faith
The authorities should not ignore the order to implement sharia in the government system. Allah SWT says: This verse became the ultimate argument that was very popular for the HTI group who support khila> fah. To HTI, it refers to the obligation to apply Islamic law as a requirement of faith and Islamic standard in a specific "container" named khila> fah. A person is called a believer when these three conditions are fulfilled. First, be willing to obey the Messenger of Allah on every matter; second, accept the decision with pleasure, graceful, and undoubtful, and third, be ready to attend to and implement the conclusion of the Prophet. 61 An interpretation inspired by al-Nabhani> and Sayyid al-Qut} b about the implementation of Islamic law (haki> miyah Allah) places the khali> fah which is bound by sharia law, as a legislator. Therefore, the government activities (al-h} ukm) must be oriented to Allah's law, not to the direction of t} a> gut, because it causes denying faith (ka> fir).
Through analyzing the interpretation of the verse above, historically (in terms of asba> b al-nuzu> l), the verse has three interpretive meanings; First, the meaning of this verse was revealed regarding the dispute between a Jew and a hypocrite. A Jew tends to appoint the Prophet as a judge, while the hypocrite chose Ka'ab bin Asyraf and then al-Nisa> ' [4]: 60 revealed. This verse is not explicitly addressed to Muslims but to the Jews and hypocrites. Second, this verse has a strong correlation of meanings to individuals and should not be transferred to a general-purpose or transformed the meaning generally. This verse was revealed in connection with a dispute between Zubair bin al-Awwam and an Ans} a> r group regarding the garden's irrigation, which made the Prophet angry. This case is closed with the decision to give Zubair rights (HR. al-Jamaah). Third, the appointment of a judge to the Prophet saw. Indicates that a fair decision is a characteristic of the judge or leader.
The difference in asba> b al-nuzu> l verse by positioning the Prophet as the judge who decides the case should not be understood with theological arrogance and political fiqh arrogance or by positioning historical-sociological verses to convict a Muslim or judges who do not establish God's law of kafi> r. The issue of takfi> r is not an easy matter without evidence and criteria (d} awa> bit} ) of takfi> r because the strict legal requirements and the procedures must be fulfilled. To convict a Muslim of the infidel (takfi> r) or leaving Islam is the last effort of law enforcement decided collectively by the authorized institutions belonging to the ummah and the state, not the right of individuals or groups who do not have credibility and competence. The scholars emphasized that the verdict of the infidel is determined after the fulfillment of strict conditions, such as words or actions that result in disbelief that is conducted by a mukallaf without any element of force (ikra> h), emotional or mental instability, ignorance, or the absence of clear proof and the evidence, syubha> t and ta'wi> l or opinion and lust unless it is clear and certain that the defendant is doing one of the causes of disbelief. First, i'tiqa> di disbelief (mukaffirah i'tiqâdiyyah) which is all kinds of beliefs that are contrary to the pillars of faith and deny the qat} 'i teachings of Islam (ma'lu> m fi al-di> n bi al-daru> rah). Second, disbelief in speech (mukaffirah qauliyyah) is every utterance that contains the proofs of kufr, rejection of the Islamic faith, which is a religious blasphemy. Third, disbelief in actions (mukaffirah 'amaliyyah) is every act that contains accurate indicators of belief and disbelief. 62 Ibn Qayyim explained that judging other than Allah's law includes two kinds of kufr, minor and significant, depending on the judge's condition (authoritative). Kufr alasgar is the judge's condition who still believes in the truth of God's law, but he turns away because of his lust. Kufr al-Akbar is the condition of the judge who disbelieves the obligation to judge by Allah's law by choosing another rule that is considered to be better. If the judge rejects Allah's decree and replaces it with human law, the judge has left the millah. 63 The historical context of the obligation to judge by God's law (fa ula> ika hum al-ka> firu> n, al-z} a> limu> n, al-fasiqu> n) must be analyzed ontologically. The verse, originally related to the criminal law of murder and zina> , cannot be separated from the jahiliyyah political system, which tends to ignore the principle of justice and equality. Associating legal verses with the interpretation of the political system is automatically less relevant. Moreover, by leading political opinions of da'wah salaf al-s} a> lih> 's is an example of carelessness towards hadis\ which tends to text rationality. 64 The Democratic System Contradicts the Spirit of Islam HTI argues that the secular and kufr system of democracy is not by Islamic principles. Democracy was born from the secularism ideology that separates religion from life. In contrast, the Islamic system was taken from the faith Allah revealed as a guide for human beings. Determining the law in Islam does not depend on the opinion of the majority or minority but the sharia arguments. In contrast, in a democratic system, the law depends on the people's voice or representatives. The democratic system is a system that has been adopted from the West and aimed to destroy the morals of Muslims. In Islam, the democratic system is more identical to worshiping humans than God. 65 HTI's view is not entirely correct because democracy is a tradition of Islamic governance that teaches the rights and obligations of the people to control, supervise, advise, and criticize the leaders. Such conditions open space for the establishment of amr ma'ru> f nahi> al-Munkar as the main pillars of religion, prophetic mission, and faithful characteristics. On the other hand, without amr ma'ru> f nahi> al-Munkar, the prophetic mission will not be realized and even cause greater mafsadah, such as the appearance of authoritarian leaders, such as Namrud and Pharaoh, due to the weakness of the people to advise the authorities. A democratic system based on justice, equality, freedom, and people's supervision can systematically encourage people to report and criticize the leaders. Through the democratic system, the charged party is obliged to accept constructive critics from the people because it is the characteristic of a healthy country that can provide physical and spiritual welfare to its people. The constructive advice and critics are evidence of early Islamic leadership, and the information comes from the heart and sincerity of the heart in implementing the mandate of God. This kind of openness is in line with the statements of al-Khulafa> ' al-Ra> syidu> n. Allah SWT said in explaining the principle of democracy: Translation: "…and consult them in the affairs. Then when you have taken a decision, put your trust in Allah. Certainly, Allah loves those who put their trust" (Ali Imran [3]: 159) The principles of democracy (syu> ra> ) are generically compatible with the universal values of Islam. However, it is still problematic on the implementation level due to sovereignty and guarantees of unrestricted freedom. The meeting point of democracy in Islam lies in the substance of democracy as a filtering tool to produce fair and trustworthy political leaders, even though the reality is still far from al-Khulafa> ' al-Ra> syidu> n. The principle of leadership is not only loved by the people but owning the characteristics of integrity (s} iddi> q), credibility (ama> nah), capability (fat} a> nah), and transparency (tabli> g). The democratization process occurred in the era of Abu> Bakr and 'Umar with the changes in election patterns. 'Umar bin Khattab did ijtihad by dividing power into three parts, namely khali> fah, ahl al-h} all wa al-'Aqd, and qa> d} i. At the same time, the three powers were previously under the control of the Prophet Muh} ammad. Does that mean every change and improvement is considered a bid'ah and a kufr system? Of course not, because political reform through a democratic system in the area of ijtiha> di, not the area of us} u> li> . Dichotomizing democracy and the khila> fah is not appropriate. It is more suitable if democracy vis a vis theocracy, while the khila> fah system is different from the two. The khila> fah system contains elements of democracy and some elements of theocracy. The scholars agreed to reject the rule of law being handed over to the people because it is God's prerogative. 66 Rejecting all elements of democracy is as inappropriate as judging them with Islamic parameters because democracy is a foreign term that needs to be critically studied. It is not considered haram, dirty, kufr, tasyabbuh bi al-kuffa> r, or others. The problem of khila> fah and democracy needs to be appropriately put. The khila> fah is a distinctive and unique Islamic political system that needs to be supported by a political strategy to exist and develop. Nevertheless, that does not mean the existence of everything in the khila> fah. Even though the Caliph had great authority in the khila> fah system, many historical facts are considered the sources of slander problems for Muslims due to the despotic Caliph. The democratic system is more open to freedom of expression for the khila> fah da'wah group (HTI) than anti-democratic Islamic countries such as Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Another inappropriate statement is that if khila> fah were established, the people's problems would be resolved. It is an absurd dogmatic statement and forced assumption. It is more appropriate to prepare the quality of generation mentally and spiritually.
Islam does not inherit standard rules regarding ready-to-use political issues such as faith aspects. The Prophet saw himself rarely promoting to his companions to establish a state even though it is inseparable because various aspects of law and people's lives are related to the state. 67 Likewise, the system of government, whether khila> fah or the other forms, must follow the current social and political realities.
Muslims are obliged to interpret the politics of power as a power of Islamic knowledge and responsibility, even though it triggers an intense political-theological debate that causes internal conflicts and produces the various sects and schools of thought. This debate is a political responsibility as well as the mandate of the Quran to promote what is right and prevent what is wrong or called h} isbah. 68

Conclusion
The power politics, based on al-Wa'ie's interpretation of the khila> fah verses (al-Baqarah [2]:30, S} a> d [38]:26,:59, and al-Ma> idah [5]:49) as a proposition the validity of the obligation to uphold the Islamic government system, is a scripturalist, textualist, and fundamentalist interpretation that is far from the understanding of the authoritative scholar's majority. From Al-Wa'ie's performance, it is understood that the concept of the khila> fah is interpreted in a sectarian perspective as a leader or successor, not in a universal perspective as a mandate that closely relates to the territory of power. The framework for interpreting the khila> fah by positioning the text of the Quran as a legal basis should not be understood as absolute and contradictory to the democratic system. Power politics (khila> fah) in the context of the obligation to obey, follow Islamic law, and amr ma'ru> f nahi> al-munka> r does not mean that it is obligatory to establish the khila> fah form, as long as the substantial Islamic values such as justice, equality, freedom, democracy do not break the values and principles of Islamic teachings.
The political interpretation of HTI has raised radicalism, exclusivism, and authoritarianism. The intervention of ideological reason in interpreting the khila> fah tends to cause a revivalist-sectarian arrangement. The conception of the khila> fah is normative and far from the validity of absolute truth and representation of the ideal territory of the state. The khila> fah is a unique leadership system and civilizational institution. To interpret the khila> fah verses to their original meanings (maqa> s} id) is the right step to suppress the khila> fah's ideological political thought in Indonesia. The characteristic of HTI's rigid and literal understanding does not only impact nonparallelism with the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia as Da> r al-Mis\ a> q but also affects the harmonization of moderate Islamic politics in the territory of the Republic of Indonesia, which is substantially Da> r al-'Ahd (state of agreement) in which state sovereignty is based on the monotheism of the Almighty God One and the leaders and the people believe and fear Allah SWT.